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  2. Tasks and objectives of the Laboratory
  3. The study of nonprofit enterprise: theories and approaches
  4. The Study of Nonprofit Enterprise: Theories and Approaches (Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies)

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Theory of Non profit organisation - Part 1

Use downloads to watch while you're on the go and without an internet connection. Other regulatory developments affecting NPOs include heavy fines for unofficial demonstrations Bryanski, and the criminalisation of libel and increased internet censorship Lewis, The Civic Chamber and its regional and local offshoots are portrayed as providing an institutionalised setting for NPOs to raise concerns and represent the interest of their constituencies or clients or hold the state to account Richter, Therefore, we argue that this specific Russian context makes vertical ties increasingly important to NPOs for both obtaining legitimacy and their day-to-day activities i.

However, this does provide them with the opportunity potentially to influence power holders in order to advance the causes and social movement they represent. To examine this proposition we utilise qualitative data collected in industrialised provincial Russia.

Tasks and objectives of the Laboratory

Before we present our insights, we outline our research study. Therefore, to capture a better representation of NPOs and their activism in Russia, we base our study in the regional cities of Perm, Yekaterinburg and Samara. By examining organisations in these three cities it enables us to compare whether political opportunities 3 differ.

Data collection was done via semi-structured interviews with key organisational decision makers, via observation of organisational activities and via organisational documentation. The literature on civil society development in Russia Sundstrom and Henry, and idea of transactional activism Petrova and Tarrow, informed a semi-structured interview protocol which was translated into Russian for data collection. The interview questions were kept as open as possible to ensure that respondents were able to provide an extensive narrative of their organisations modus operandi Lincoln and Guba, These are mainly middle-aged women reflecting the feminine nature of human service NPOs observed by Salmenniemi with most having at least one higher education degree.

On average, interviews lasted 45 minutes and were conducted in Russian without an interpreter. To reduce self-reporting bias, interview data were triangulated by observational data captured in a daily research diary Silverman, and artefacts collected by attending HENPO events such as flyers, pamphlets and published material. HENPOs were initially identified using web-based resources as well as through the assistance provided by partner universities in Perm, Samara and Yekaterinburg.

In order to select organisations purposefully Siggelkow, for this study, NPOs were screened for their objectives and whether or not they understand themselves as social organisations i. An initial list of 35 organisations was extended using local phone directories and the snowballing technique, with the latter also providing insights about interaction between NPOs. The study had 80 participating organisations across the three regions with 49 providing health-related services, 25 providing educational service, one organisation providing both and five organisations providing infrastructure service to HENPOs, such as, for example, access to office space.

For analytical purposes all interviews were transcribed and translated simultaneously into English, calling on the skills of native speakers wherever discrepancies arose. The interview material was coded inductively. As the interview transcripts were read and reread in the coding process, new codes emerged and existing codes were adjusted Charmaz and Mitchell, These codes were brought together to form emerging themes, which described the characteristics of vertical ties and behaviours of HENPOs i.

To ensure reliability, the emerging codes were discussed with field experts academics with extensive knowledge of the development of Russian civil society who helped to reduce ambiguities. The discussion that follows explores these aspects using narratives from these interviews. While our data indicate that Russian HENPOs lack engagement with horizontal ties, respondents focused their engagement on power holders and thus build vertical ties. Institutionalised contact points such as the Civic Chamber have led to the emergence of myriad roundtables kruglyye stoly or committees Richter, and have facilitated this process giving HENPOs access to state structures Jakobson and Sanovich, This is suggestive of differing political opportunities within these regions, particularly when comparing Perm Krai with Samara and Yekaterinburg Oblasti.

Instead narratives were dominated by the phenomenon of sucking in. Sucking in occurred when key individuals within HENPOs were incentivised to deploy their expertise within the state apparatus. However, sucked in individuals would also retain a role within their HENPOs thus spanning and blurring the boundary between civil society and the state. We present these findings in more detail below. In reviewing the data from HENPOs in Yekaterinburg we found that respondents engaged in various roundtables and committees organised by the state.

Further, respondents outlined that their government role overlapped with their organisational role. Respondent 51 Org03Yek indicated that part of her role was to oversee accessibility regulations for public buildings throughout the city. At the same time, a key objective of Org03Yek was to promote and ensure accessibility to public buildings and spaces.

Respondents also illustrated the operationalisation of emerging vertical ties to secure resources. Org04Yek now uses this building as a base for their work with children with mental health needs. Similarly, Respondent 65 Org16Yek illustrated how her organisation was unable to pay staff a wage. Now all staff were employed full time by the state while they ran their HENPO promoting physical activity among children with learning difficulties. The sucking in narrative of respondents, and their lack of operationalising the emerging vertical ties for dissent, mirrors the process of co-optation in particular limiting and managing dissent by bringing challengers into the governance system Coy, Thus respondents understood themselves in a dual role — spanning and indeed managing the boundary between civil society i.

However, while it allowed organisations to engage with the state and thus created potential opportunities for influence, it simultaneously reduced their potential fields of protest i. It was therefore difficult for a Russian NPO of any type to protest state policy that it has been a part of delivering. HENPOs in Samara replicated the accounts of respondents in Yekaterinburg in so far as they demonstrate the sucking in narrative.

Similar to Yekaterinburg, the nature of the roles of sucked in individuals made it difficult for them and their organisation to protest formally state policy — they had become an extension of it. In the case of Org20Sam, to criticise state youth policy would in effect be criticising the work of their organisational leader, thus restricting the fields of protest such organisations could participate in.

These closer ties provided individuals with opportunities to engage policy makers, highlighting how they not only sucked in or co-opted but were able to negotiate and manage the boundary between state and civil society. They could utilise vertical ties with the state to support their work.

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Hence, sucked in individuals are responsible for managing the boundary between the state and civil society agents. In so doing, the sucking in narrative reflects a process of political socialisation Fillieule, turning respondents from ignored outsiders into appreciated insiders Jakobson and Sanovich, In contrast, respondents in Perm Krai had a more critical assessment of these developments.

Resonating with this statement, other HENPOs feared that sucking in was a double-edged sword, positive for those that were able to establish vertical ties and access resources and negative for those that missed out. As a result, HENPOs from which individuals were sucked in might become supporters or legitimisers of state policy Cook and Vinogradova, Thus, as observed in similar contexts, this contributes to the legitimacy of current power arrangements rather than challenging them Hsu, ; Lewis, This was a sentiment shared by respondents that had not been sucked in.

The narrative of respondents in Perm suggesting that sucking in focused on individuals rather than organisations demonstrates a selective co-optation of individuals. Thus the sucking in narrative leads to a more silent i. Despite the more apprehensive assessment of the sucking in development, HENPOs in Perm were also required to liaise, collaborate and integrate more closely with power holders.

Hence across all three regions the experience of HENPOs and key individuals reflects civil society arrangements dependent on vertical ties rather than mobilising the public. We now turn to discussing the insight from all three regions and its meaning for civil society development in the Russian Federation. In this article we set out to examine NPOs in a managed democracy.

The study of nonprofit enterprise: theories and approaches

In turn this facilitates the emergence of vertical ties, which respondents illustrate as facilitating access to resources and bestowing legitimacy. However, in order to encourage the sharing of expertise, the state sucks in key organisational decision makers. Consequently, these individuals become what we term boundary managers responsible for managing the boundary between civil society i. Thus we define boundary managers as individuals responsible for shaping, articulating and overseeing the boundary between civil society and the state in this managed context.

These sucking in processes are reflective of co-opting and to some extent professionalisation processes observed in other contexts, which have seen an increased reliance on government funding.

The Study of Nonprofit Enterprise: Theories and Approaches (Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies)

As respondents in Perm indicate, it empowers some individuals active within civil society and sidelines others. At the organisational level, this effectively encourages the reinforcement of democratic centralism in organisations where boundary managers reside. Sucked in individuals will see their internal organisational power base increase even further as they are now even more important with regards to accessing resources.

Thus the emergence of boundary managers in managed democracies highlights that it is more important to be represented in relevant state structures rather than mobilising the public. This mirrors processes of professionalisation and NGOisation elsewhere where NPO activity becomes less about politics and more about efficiently addressing social problems Alvarez et al. Therefore, the experience of Russian NPOs contributes to the emerging question in civil society literature about whether NPOs can be drivers of democratisation.

The Russian context shows that they are all too easily co-opted, moulded and restricted — be it by a political regime as demonstrated in this article, forces of neoliberal ideology as observed in the global south Alvarez et al. The insights provided in this article provide an indication of the role of human service NPOs in managed democracies which is more reflective of a transactional than a participatory model and which we summarise in Figure 1.

Although dependency on government resources and professional staff has turned NPOs into more hybrid organisations Billis, , in an unmanaged democracy, human service NPOs still have diversified income streams with often the public providing a consistent and important part of their required resources Mosley, In providing services, NPOs still bridge between the individual and the state and in some cases substitute the state to address the socio-economic needs of marginalised groups Lewis, Thus, human service NPOs are allowed to exist because they carry out an important social function the state is unwilling or unable to carry out Hsu, ; Uphoff and Krishna, However, as the arrangements illustrated here are still emerging, capitalising on these political opportunities to advance the interest of their constituencies will take time.

Thus in the longer-term, boundary managers may be able to carve out broader campaigning opportunities for their organisations Newman, as a result.

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Nevertheless, there were also similarities between human service NPOs in managed and other contexts, particularly western democracies with the organisation in the latter contexts increasingly providing welfare service outsourced by the state. This then leaves rights-focused NPOs as the sole agents that will hold the state to account often through protest and other more direct methods. The data presented in this article indicate that the re-assertion of control by the state over Russian civil society has solicited organisational responses that have reshaped this particular organisational field.

A civil society that during the earlier part of transition was separated, neglected and ignored by the state is now, where it poses no threat to the state, closely intertwined. The current resource dependency arrangements i. Our conclusions have to be seen in light of the limitations of this study.

Our study provides an insight into the behaviours of human service NPOs in two types of industrial regions i. In particular future research will need to focus on NPOs, which are less resource dependent on the state. Nevertheless, our results do show a strong relationship with the extended literature of civil society in Russia Crotty, ; Henry, ; Jakobson and Sanovich, ; Spencer, ; Sundstrom and Henry, and thus a potential basis for understanding civil society in the Russian context. Thus, notwithstanding its limitations, our article makes two key contributions to the discussion of the concept of civil society.

We show that in Russia, active, reasonably well-funded human service NPOs are now intertwined with the state. This reflects the traditionally more inter dependent institutional arrangements found in other transition states including many of the Central Asian Republics and China Richter and Hatch, In such a context we conclude that we require a different model to understand prevailing civil society arrangements see Figure 1. Rating details. All Languages.

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More filters. Sort order. Christopher John rated it liked it Oct 17, There are no discussion topics on this book yet. About Helmut K. Helmut K. His research centres on indicator systems, social innovation, culture, philanthropy, and organisational studies. Anheier is author of over publications, many in leading journals, and has received various international awards.

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